Another Pathetic Trump Lawyer Disbarred Over 2020 Work

Rudy Giuliani, Donald Trump’s former lawyer and New York City’s former mayor, is now a former practicing attorney. He was disbarred by the state of New York Tuesday.  

Giuliani is “disbarred from the practice of law, effective immediately, and until the further order of this Court, and his name stricken from the roll of attorneys and counselors-at-law in the State of New York,” ruled a New York appeals court, citing his many false statements about the 2020 presidential election.

“The seriousness of respondent’s misconduct cannot be overstated,” the court wrote. “[Giuliani] flagrantly misused his prominent position as the personal attorney for former President Trump and his campaign, through which [he] repeatedly and intentionally made false statements, some of which were perjurious, to the federal court, state lawmakers, the public … and this Court concerning the 2020 Presidential election, in which he baselessly attacked and undermined the integrity of this country’s electoral process.”

A spokesperson for Giuliani, Ted Goodman, issued a statement decrying the disbarment.

“Members of the legal community who respect the rule of law in this country should immediately come forward and speak out against this politically and ideologically corrupted decision. We will be appealing this objectively flawed decision in hopes that the appellate process will restore integrity into our system of justice,” the statement said.

The onetime presidential candidate keeps sinking lower and lower. Giuliani filed for bankruptcy in 2023 but is still spending lavishly and ignoring his many creditors. Desperately trying to make money, he has resorted to selling his own brand of coffee but can’t find a new accountant after his old one dropped him. One of his former cronies, Lev Parnas, spilled the beans on how Giuliani tried to manufacture a Biden-Ukraine scandal, something that Giuliani still hasn’t given up on.

Will Giuliani dial back on the behavior that got him disbarred, or will he go into overdrive? He was indicted in Arizona for his election machinations there, and doubled down on his allegations of fraud. He had a pitiful defense for his actions: highlighting all of the states where he challenged election results. He even taunted the Arizona attorney general in trying to dodge a subpoena, only to be served near his Florida residence anyway. And Trump still hasn’t paid him for all of that legal work, either.

The bar taps at Donald Trump’s New Jersey clubs are running dry, and it’s not clear when the booze will start flowing again.

Liquor licenses for two of the former president’s clubs in the Garden State expired Sunday as state officials weigh whether Trump’s criminal conviction in his New York hush-money trial prevents him from ever renewing the beverage license. In the meantime, the New Jersey Division of Alcoholic Beverage Control issued interim permits to allow Trump National Golf Club Colts Neck and Trump National Golf Club Bedminster to temporarily sell alcohol until a hearing to determine the clubs’ future beverage sales is held on July 19.

That’s a little more than a week after Trump is scheduled to be sentenced in the criminal trial, though that date might be further delayed as Trump’s attorneys fight the conviction on the basis of a Monday Supreme Court ruling that expanded the boundaries of presidential immunity.

“The final judgment of conviction that raises the prospect of disqualifying Mr. Trump from an interest in a New Jersey liquor license due to the guilty verdict in New York will not be entered until after his sentencing,” a spokesman for the New Jersey attorney general’s office told The Hill, adding that the burden of proof remains on the applicant to prove they meet the requirements for the license.

The Trump Organization has pushed back on the New Jersey investigation, arguing that the conviction should be irrelevant to the clubs’ operation as Trump himself is not the holder of the liquor licenses.

“As previously stated, President Trump is not the holder of any liquor license in New Jersey, and he is not an officer, director or operator of any entity that holds a liquor license in New Jersey,” a spokesperson for the Trump Organization told The Hill. “These liquor licenses support the livelihoods of many hundreds of hard working New Jersey residents, including bartenders, waiters and waitresses, they service thousands of members, and they contribute millions of dollars to the revenue streams of the State of New Jersey. We sincerely hope that this investigation is not political in nature, and given the foregoing, we feel confident that our licenses will remain unaffected.”

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. allegedly sexually assaulted a babysitter more than two decades ago, according to an exclusive story from Vanity Fair.

In 1998, Kennedy and his second wife, Mary Richardson, hired a 23-year-old babysitter named Eliza Cooney, who moved into their family home to watch their four children. Kennedy’s inappropriate behavior toward Cooney began one night in 1998, when he started rubbing his hand up and down her thigh under the kitchen table. Cooney wrote in her diary that she wasn’t sure whether “he was on something or really tired or was missing Mary or was testing me.”

Kennedy later appeared in her bedroom, perusing the intimate details of her life in her diary, and asked her to rub his back with lotion, an incident that she told Vanity Fair was “totally inappropriate.”

In another instance, he came up behind her as she searched for something in the pantry, and began groping her hips, rib cage, and chest, and didn’t stop until interrupted by another staff member. “My back was to the door of the pantry, and he came up behind me,” said Cooney. “I was frozen. Shocked.”

Cooney left the family a few months later, writing in her diary that she wanted to leave “bad men” behind in 1999. She kept the alleged sexual assault a secret until 2017, when she finally told her mother.

In 2023, when Kennedy announced he was running against Democratic incumbent President Joe Biden, Cooney opted not to file a civil suit against her former boss, but ultimately decided to take her story public regardless.

According to several people close to the family, this was far from Kennedy’s only marital indiscretion, but it marks a trend of sexually aggressive behavior by the struggling presidential candidate. A former friend of Richardson’s told Vanity Fair that Richardson called Kennedy a “sex addict” and said he was taking medication for it. The two divorced in 2010 when Kennedy began a relationship with actress Cheryl Hines. Hines and Kennedy married in 2014.

The Kennedy campaign did not respond to Vanity Fair’s requests for comment.

According to the report, Kennedy’s alleged sexual deviancy doesn’t end there. When he was still married to Richardson, he sent his friends nude photographs of women on several occasions. His friends told Vanity Fair that they believed he had taken the pictures himself, although they weren’t sure the women had consented to being photographed or having the images passed on.

In another strange texting incident, last year, Kennedy sent his friend a photo of him on vacation in Korea, holding up and pretending to eat the barbecued carcass of a dog. The picture’s metadata indicated that the photograph was taken in 2010, the same year that Kennedy was diagnosed with a brain worm, which he claims is responsible for his brain fog.

Kennedy’s reckless texting habits seemed to stump many of his friends, who knew he had political aspirations and a desire to protect his family’s name. It seems that neither of these goals could rein in the anti-vaccine conspiracy theorist, convinced that he could do whatever he wanted and get away with it.

The Supreme Court declined Tuesday to take up a challenge to Illinois’s ban on assault weapons, though not every justice on the high court agreed with the decision to do so.

In a separate opinion, Justice Clarence Thomas appeared keen to uproot future bans, urging the court to take up another such case on the basis that some semiautomatic guns, such as the AR-15, are among the most popular weapons in the nation, thereby claiming that more guidance is needed to delineate which weapons are “dangerous” and “unusual.” He further called the Seventh Circuit’s decision to uphold the state ban, which stemmed from a landmark 2008 Supreme Court decision that ruled that military grade weapons such as M-16 rifles are not protected under the Second Amendment, as “nonsensical.”

“The Seventh Circuit’s contrived ‘non-militaristic’ limitation on the Arms protected by the Second Amendment seems unmoored from both text and history,” Thomas wrote. “It is difficult to see how the Seventh Circuit could have concluded that the most widely owned semiautomatic rifles are not ‘Arms’ protected by the Second Amendment.”

The Illinois ban was instituted after a 2022 Independence Day parade shooting in Chicago’s Highland Park took the lives of seven people and injured 48 others. The law prohibits the sale of semiautomatic “assault weapons,” which are commonly used in mass shootings, including the AK-47 and AR-15 rifles, as well as the sale of some handguns. The ban also forbids the sale of magazines that use more than 10 rounds for long weapons, or 15 rounds for handguns, as well as rapid-fire devices known as “switches” that convert semiautomatic weapons into automatic machine guns.

“This assault weapons ban is a step in the right direction,” Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker said at a press conference following the law’s passage. “But there’s no magic fix, no single law that will end gun violence once and for all. So we must keep fighting, voting, and protesting to ensure that future generations will only have to read about massacres like Highland Park, Sandy Hook, and Uvalde in their history books. It’s our burden and our mandate, one that we carry with solemn honor for our children who will grow up in a better and safer world.”

This is not the first time this term that Thomas has sought to dramatically expand access to deadly weapons. Last month, he joined the majority decision to overturn a federal ban on bump stocks and dissented from a ruling barring domestic abusers from owning guns.

The U.S. Supreme Court announced Tuesday that it is sending a whopping nine cases back to the lower courts after its ruling in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, the first sign of the chaos from overturning the Chevron deference.

The court ruled Friday to upend Chevron, a 40-year-old doctrine that requires judges to defer to a federal agency when determining the meaning of any ambiguous laws that agency should try to enforce. In his majority opinion, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that, instead, “Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority, as the [Administrative Procedures Act] requires.”

The decision in Loper Bright now allows the federal judiciary to play pretend as scientists and policymakers, while stripping the administrative agencies that are staffed by experts who get their directives from democratically elected officials with the power to determine policy. As a result, several cases with questions about ambiguous language are now headed back to the lower courts.

For example, of the cases that have been remanded back to the appeals courts, there are four cases that have to do with the interpretation of ambiguous language in the Immigration and Nationality Act—a law enforced by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, an agency under the authority of the Department of Homeland Security, which is run by Biden-appointed Homeland Security Secretary Alejando Mayorkas.

Now the question will no longer be referred to immigration experts at the department, or to policymakers representing the current administration, but left to the discretion of appeals judges in the Fourth, Ninth and Eleventh Circuits.

Other questions sent back to the lower courts have to do with energy, agriculture, labor practices, and the Internal Revenue Service to name a few.

In the wake of Loper Bright, right-wing judges—who have pushed for years to oppose Chevron and embrace deregulation—have the functional ability to veto any new federal regulation they decide is too “ambiguous.” As these cases continue to pile up, which they no doubt will, the law will no longer be determined by Congress, or even the executive branch, but by injunction.